By Fatmanour Chouseinoglou
Edited by Mark Potter
How did medieval Europeans representations of Muslim women differ from medieval Muslim representations of European or Christian women?
Despite their differences in religion and culture, the representation of the other group’s women in both medieval European and Muslim accounts were fairly similar. In fact, the similarities between these representations were driven by the differences in religion itself, and the constant desire to attack the ‘other’ or the ‘enemy’, in order to present one’s own community and religion as a more superior one. Hence, a lot of the primary sources show similarities, especially in terms of the derogatory vocabulary used to describe the women in order to ultimately attack and undermine the men of the opposing community. Although women were portrayed negatively in majority of these male-produced accounts, this does not mean that this was the case for all of them. The availability of more positive accounts suggest that the nature of these representations was subjected to the targeted society. By the end of the essay, it will be clear that the differences between each group’s representations were minimal in comparison to the similarities, primarily due to their ultimate purpose.
Firstly, the negative representations of women in the accounts produced by both parties are
parallel. Both sides use sexuality to downgrade the women, often describing them as
promiscuous. For instance, Arnold von Harff, a German knight in Cairo between 1496 and
1499, states that the women ‘often deceive their husbands,’ using the veil to disguise
themselves when visiting a Mamluk to ‘take their pleasure with him for three or four hours.’[1] He then continues, ‘the women also do great rogueries, however closely they are guarded by their husbands.’ [2] Here, Muslim women are clearly presented as unchaste and use their obligations, in this case the veil, as an opportunity to act in the mentioned way. This is an example of what Vitkus mentions in his work: ‘the notion of a veiled, hidden lust that
masquerades as virtue and chastity [was] typically a characteristic of the Islamic woman in
Western texts’.[3] Hence, indicating that promiscuous Muslim women hiding behind the veil was a common pattern found in Western representations of Muslim women. Likewise, in his
account, Usama Ibn Munqidh discusses an instance when a Frankish wine merchant returns
home to discover ‘a man in bed with his wife,’ suggesting that Frankish women did not refrain from committing adultery.[4] As this account was produced during the period of the Crusades and the Crusader states, his negative representations are not surprising, given the tensions between both sides. Daniel slightly points to this issue as he argues that the main reason for the negative images created of each other by both sides was the conflicts that often occurred between the two.[5] However, a key similarity here is that the sources from both sides were written by men, hence, they also give us an idea of the gender ideals and social standards that existed in each community at the time.[6] For instance, while promiscuity was frowned upon by both sides, as evident in the mentioned sources, immoral behaviour was associated with actively sexual acts for the Franks, whereas for the Muslims, even a women talking to another man on the street was wrong. This is evident in Ibn Munqidh’s first account where he describes a woman chatting to another man, while his husband waits for her at the side or eventually leaves.[7] Regardless, it is clear that a negative image of the opposing gender was used, especially with regards to sexuality, in order to weaken the prestige of men.
As mentioned, the representation of women was used as a tool to attack the men of the opposing group, and both particularly highlight the specific issue of sexuality. However, the
representations differ when it comes to the role played by the men in the process leading to the women going astray. For example, the Muslim authors accused the European men with lacking a sense of morality and honour, while Europeans saw the Muslim men as fools for allowing women too much freedom and right, especially with the issue of divorce. We can look at Meshullam of Volterra, an Italian Jewish merchant’s, account to further understand this. ‘When [Muslim women] do not wish to stay with their husbands they go to the governor of the city and say that their husband does not give them food and they are believed, and the husband must divorce his wife.’[8] This is a clear indication of women taking advantage of the right given to them to divorce their husbands. He suggests that regardless of their motive, women can get divorced by simply tricking the qadi into thinking that the husband is not providing for her. This does not only present Muslim women as unethical, but also presents Muslim men as gullible people. According to Meshullam, women were simply taking advantage of the gullible nature of their men. On the other hand, Muslim writers found the relaxed nature of men on issues regarding their women, the key problem. For instance, Ibn Munqidh mentions another story where a bath-housekeeper, Salim, ends up shaving the pubic hair of a Frankish women, while her husband just watches and then thanks and pays him for his service.[9] Salim seems to be taken aback by the whole experience. Ibn Munqidh’s final remarks stating the Franks ‘have no sense of propriety or honour, yet they have immense courage,’ suggests that the Frankish men’s overly relaxed nature and lack of propriety were the main reasons behind the licentious behaviour of the females.[10] Both methods, however, attempted to indicate a lack of male control over the females of their respective communities, and thus present them as incapable and problematic.
Although the previous examples show negative images of both women and men of each
community, it would be wrong to say that all of the female representations were negative. This was especially true for Muslim perceptions of European women, as they were often described as beautiful due to their fair skin tone that the Muslim men in the area preferred. The poem written by Ibn al-Qaysarani is a perfect example of a Muslim man being captivated by a Western woman’s beauty:
A Frankish woman has captivated me.
The breeze of fragrance lingers on her.
In her clothing there is a soft branch
And in her crown is a radiant moon.[11]
Although Ibn al-Qaysarani was one of those who had to flee his hometown, Syria, with the
arrival of the First Crusade, he still seemed to hold a positive view regarding the beauty of
female newcomers, hence suggesting that the unique features of the European woman were
truly captivating, regardless of their clashes.[12] There also seems to have been a higher level of tolerance towards those who presented similar traits to Islamic beliefs. For instance, when
travelling in Sicily, Ibn Jubayr realised that the Normans showed some similarities with the
Muslims, in comparison to Catholic Europeans. In his account, he indicates that Norman
‘women were attired in the manner of Muslim women.’[13] Hence, it is clear that Ibn Jubayr tried to draw connections between Muslims and Normans even on the most basic levels by
comparing the fashion of all three of the groups mentioned. This does not just show similarities between the communities, but also in some cases, the willingness to search for similarities, especially considering the close proximity between the groups. However, it seems as though the same feelings were not always reciprocated by the Europeans, as it was difficult to find more positive representations of Muslim women produced by medieval Europeans. Nevertheless, the French literature piece, La Chanson de Roland presents Bramimonde, who is supposed to be a Muslim, as one of the ‘highest-ranking women’ in the piece and ‘the Franks are not portrayed as having any woman of her stature in their
lands.’[14] Although, her relationship with her faith does take a negative turn, consequently still attacking the opposing faith.
In conclusion, the representations produced by each community, regarding the females of the opposing community were mostly produced to serve a similar purpose. To an extent, they were used ‘discourage assimilation with rival religious communities’ in an environment where different religious groups were forced to live in close proximity.[15] Hence, we can see more negative representations of women and, to an extent men, produced by those living in the Crusader states or existing during the Crusades. The similar aim of presenting each religion in a negative light, by underlining the behaviours of those following the religion, mean that the representations follow similar patterns, and thus do not differ as much as one may expect them to. Nonetheless, it would be wrong to suggest that the representations of women of the opposing community were always completely negative, as there were examples, where European women were described in a positive light, though this was mostly due to their features that could be considered unique when compared to the Arab women. However, this was usually a theme that was mostly seen in Islamic accounts or literature describing European women, rather than vice versa, suggesting that similar notions may not have been reciprocated in European representations of Muslim women.
Notes
[1] Malcolm Letts (ed.), The Pilgrimage of Arnold Von Harff, Knight, From Cologne, 1496-1499 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1946), pp. 123-4.
[2] Letts, Pilgrimage, pp. 123-124.
[3] Daniel Vitkus, “Early Modern Orientalism: Representations of Islam in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century Europe”, in David Blanks and Michael Frassetto (eds.) Western Views of Islam in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Perception of Other (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1999), p. 223.
[4] Usama Ibn Munqidh, The Book of Contemplation: Islam and the Crusades, (London: Penguin, 2008), p. 149.
[5] Feroz Ahmad, “Islam and the West: The Making of an Image”, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 26/3 (1994), pp. 510-511.
[6] Nadia El-Cheikh, “Describing the Other to Get at the Self: Byzantine Women in Arabic Sources”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 40/2 (1997), pp. 239-250.
[7] Munqidh, The Book of Contemplation, p. 148.
[8] Elkan Nathan Adler (ed.), Jewish Travellers, 2nd Edition (New York: Routledge, 1966), p. 195.
[9] Munqidh, The Book of Contemplation, p.150.
[10] Munqidh, The Book of Contemplation, p.150.
[11] Carole Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives (New York: Routledge, 2017), p. 347.
[12] Hillenbrand, The Crusades, p. 347.
[13] Alauddin Samarrai, “Arabs and Latins in the Middle Ages: Enemies, Partners, and Scholars”, in David Blanks and Michael Frassetto (eds.) Western Views of Islam in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Perception of Other (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1999), p. 140. [14] Mohja Kahf, Western Representation of the Muslim Woman: From Termagant to Odalisque (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1999), p. 52.
[15] Alexandra Cuffel, “Gendering Disgust in Medieval Religious Polemic”, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 41/4 (2009), pp. 682-684.
Bibliography
Primary Sources
Adler, Elkan Nathan. (ed.), Jewish Travellers, 2nd Edition. New York: Routledge, 1966
Letts, Malcolm. (ed.), The Pilgrimage of Arnold Von Harff, Knight, From Cologne, 1496-
1499. London: Hakluyt Society, 1946
Munqidh, Usama Ibn. The Book of Contemplation: Islam and the Crusades. London: Penguin, 2008
Secondary Sources
Ahmad, Feroz. “Islam and the West: The Making of an Image”. International Journal of
Middle East Studies. 26/3. 1994
Cuffel, Alexandra. “Gendering Disgust in Medieval Religious Polemic”. International
Journal of Middle East Studies. 41/4. 2009
El-Cheikh, Nadia. “Describing the Other to Get at the Self: Byzantine Women in Arabic
Sources”. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient. 40/2. 1997
Hillenbrand, Carole. The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives. New York: Routledge, 2017
Kahf, Mohja. Western Representation of the Muslim Woman: From Termagant to Odalisque. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1999
Samarrai, Alauddin. “Arabs and Latins in the Middle Ages: Enemies, Partners, and
Scholars”. In David Blanks and Michael Frassetto (eds.) Western Views of Islam in Medieval
and Early Modern Europe: Perception of Other. New York: St Martin’s Press, 1999
Vitkus, Daniel. “Early Modern Orientalism: Representations of Islam in Sixteenth and
Seventeenth Century Europe”. In David Blanks and Michael Frassetto (eds.) Western Views
of Islam in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Perception of Other. New York: St Martin’s
Press, 1999
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