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Jul 14, 202111 min read

How political was the second wave of the feminist movement?

By Lily Jeannin

Edited by Nadar Abdi and Mark Potter





The twentieth century is probably the century that experienced the most socio-cultural changes worldwide. Second-wave feminism lasted from the 1960s to the 1980s and was highly political, as it redefined the meaning of political activism by merging social and political battles. We shall analyse the political and societal changes second-wave feminists militated for. Then, explore how second-wave feminists included existing political theories to legitimise their movement. Finally, we will discuss how feminism contributed to the drastic transformation of activism.


Fighting against legal and social equality is regarded as the main aim of second-wave

feminism.[1] The emergence of medical contraception such as the pill gave women sexual self- determination.[2] Lois McNay argues that birth control was a way for women to regain agency over their body and sexuality, which has, according to him, always been an ‘explicit and implicit concern of feminism’.[3] Discussions of female pleasure and sexuality were used by feminist groups such as the MDF to demand the legalisation of birth control. This was

especially an issue in France, as the Neuwirth Law, which lifted the ban on birth control only

went into effect in 1972.[4] Nevertheless, the pill was an immense success: in Germany, by 1979, eighty percent of women between eighteen and twenty-four took the pill.[5]


The legalisation of abortion was an ongoing battle amongst second-wave feminists, especially

in the 1970s. In Britain, the discussion of abortion was more peaceful than in other countries,

with the Abortion Bill being passed in 1970.[6] The fight for the right to abortion in France was, however, very militant, from the Bobigny Trial of 1972 to the creation of groups like MFPF in 1973,[7] who used slogans like ‘A child... if I want one... when I want one’ [Figure 1] to militate for women’s right to sexual self-determination. One of the most militant actions was the ‘Manifeste des 343 Salopes’, a manifesto for the legalisation of abortion by Simone de

Beauvoir in 1971. She claims that abortions happened regardless of its legality. The most

prominent aspect of the Manifesto was the 343 signatures of women who admitted to getting

an abortion, some of these women being public figures like Gisèle Halimi[8], Beauvoir claims

that these women represent ‘the one million women’[9] who got abortions in France. The

manifesto was followed by a cartoon in the satirical journal ‘Charli Hebdo’ [Figure 2], where

Cabu asked politicians ‘who impregnated the 343 bitches of the manifesto for abortion?’. These actions were successful for French feminists as the Veil law was passed in 1974, legalising abortion.


According to Johanna Goïtisolo, the economic boom of the glorious thirties was the reason for the increase of women in the workforce during the post-war era. [10] The increase in women in the workplace opened new discussions around women’s rights in the workplace. This was the case regarding equal pay, as women were being paid significantly lower wages: in France, three million women earned less than 600F per month.[11] Whilst the fight for equality within the workplace was less militant than those for reproductive rights, it also saw some achievements, such as paid maternity leave in France,[12] or the Equal Pay Act (1975) in Britain.[13] One needs to look at the influences of second-wave feminism and the motivation behind seeking legal equality.


Unlike the first-wave feminism, second-wave feminism was strongly influenced by political

theories and generational clash with the previous generation. This generational difference

regarding attitudes to politics came from the ‘silent generation’s’[14] experience of the post-war world. Post-war politics being focused on economic recovery. This led to a refocus on

traditional family values, with the ‘housewife as a consumer citizen’.[15] Giving women a passive political role, as they helped in the recovery from war. Julian Bourg claims that this focus on celebrating housewives created the generational divide that emerged in the 1960s.[16] This was especially prevalent as technological advances for the household were perceived by Marxist feminists as a mean to make women dependent on consumerism for emancipation, with caricatures depicting women as ‘liberated by consumer power’ [Figure 3], whilst being chained to a consumerist society. Nevertheless, Sabine Fortino nuances Bourg’s argument by claiming that in Germany, the celebration of housewives and motherhood was perceived as the silent generation’s refusal to reckon with a Nazi heritage.[17] Celebrating motherhood was linked to the ‘Kinder, Kirsche, Küche’ idea of the Nazi era.[18].


The generational divide was clearly visible with the rise in university students, with thirteen

percent of eighteen to twenty-one year old in 1972 attending a form of higher education in

Britain, compared to 8.5% in 1962.[19] This resulted in a more academically educated youth,

which, as explained by Hedwige Peemans-Poullet meant that second-wave feminists drew their influences not just from their experiences of patriarchy, but also from intellectuals like Marx or Friedan.[20] Goïtisolo agrees with this, adding that thinkers like Simone de Beauvoir encouraged women to get more involved in social sciences, allowing them to analyse patriarchal society as a system of oppression.[21] These influences meant second-wave feminism developed multiple political branches, the dominant ones being Marxist Feminism.


Whilst Marxist Feminists believed that capitalism was directly linked to patriarchy, as the

means of production are controlled by men, thereby meaning that abolishing capitalism would mean ending gender oppression. [22] Marxist Feminist Helke Sander explained that sexist behaviours were classless and that any class privileges were ‘of no help’ in fighting systemic sexism.[23] Marxist Feminists believed that, like class struggles, sexism was a systemic issue, unlike Liberal Feminists, who argued that sexism was an individual problem. These divergent opinions became a problem in the portrayal of feminists in the media, such as in the Netherlands, as Liberal Feminists were most featured in the news, as they presented a less radical feminism. [24] Nevertheless, countries with a strong left-wing political presence, such as France saw many feminist groups linked to politics, like the MDF being linked to the Socialist Party,[25] or the Marxist Feminine joining the French Communist Party.[26] It is, however, important to note that the actions of those groups were unusual for European second-wave feminism, as most feminists aimed at redefining women’s place in society away from male-made structures.


What made second-wave feminism more political and revolutionary than any previous

women’s movement beforehand as it was able to redefine the nature of political activism by

making private matter political matters, redefining societal norms, and using new forms of

militantism. The motto of second-wave feminists was: ‘the personal is political’[27], coined by Carol Hanisch in 1970. Hanisch wanted to highlight how discrimination in private spheres like the workforce or the household are political matters because they stem from a patriarchal system. Sander had already brought up similar ideas in 1968, as the ‘separation between private life and societal life’[28] has been alienating women, as they were mostly confined to the private spheres since Industrialisation. This alienation would be, according to Tara Anand, the motivation behind women’s desire for ‘public and private justice’[29], and as this injustice is due to systemic oppression, there needs to be a ‘collective action for a collective solution’[30], which required all women to revaluate their position within society.


The debates surrounding motherhood during the 1970s were the foundation for modern gender theory. McNay claims that since mothers are the only parent discussed when looking at family, feminism must expand ‘women’s role beyond that of mothering’[31] because without this, women are unable to liberate themselves from a patriarchal system. This discussion around motherhood was greatly influenced by Simone de Beauvoir’s ‘The Second Sex’, where she desacralised maternity and separated women from mothers,[32] arguing that femininity was founded in society and education rather than in nature and biology. The idea that ‘one is not born a woman, one becomes a woman’, implied that gender is socially constructed.[33] This idea that womanhood was made by society increasingly impacted second-wave feminists, as many had found liberation through their university education, but were forced back into patriarchal ‘behavioural patterns’ in the 1970s, as they started to have children.[34] This contributed to a rejection of motherhood, with the idea of the ‘slave maternity’ emerging in 1979, as feminists saw motherhood as a way to force women into gendered positions against their will.[35] This rejection of traditional feminine stereotypes also extended to the rejection of traditional militantism.


The countercultures of the 1960s allowed a questioning of authority in education and politics,[36] which influenced the organisation of many feminist groups, who did not assemble into a unified movement and rejected the hierarchies of male-dominated politics.[37] In Britain, feminists rejected media attention,[38] as part of a greater rejection of patriarchal institutions.[39] This was mostly motivated by the negative depictions of feminists as dangerous or irrational. Such vilification of feminists was especially virulent in Germany, where feminism was depicted as an anti-democratic ideology.[40]


To militate without requiring support from patriarchal structures, second-wave feminists

undertook visible symbolic actions, such as placing flowers in the memory of the wife of the

unknown soldier in Paris, in 1970.[41] This protest was mocked by French media and saw

numerous feminists arrested.[42] Another way for women to force society to ‘open the public

sphere’[43] to women was through the creation of a feminist culture. Leading to an increase in female publication,[44] women’s cinema, art, or music, delivering feminist messages.[45] The song ‘An Ant and I’, by French artist Delphine Seyrig, compares the female condition to that of an ant, who works for a greater collective without ever recovering any recognition for her labour.[46]


To conclude, second-wave feminism is the most political wave of feminism. Second-wave

feminists’ relationship to the previous generation, especially regarding women’s place in

society, as well as the greater access to education in the 1960s and 1970s allowed second-wave feminists to militate for legal and social gender equality, allowing women in the public sphere by giving women opportunities through art and academia. The influence of political theories like Marxism, which were not directly linked to gender struggles was revolutionary. This connection between struggles influenced post-modern feminism of the 1990s, which is

characterised by intersectionality, aiming at being more inclusive of women of colour,

homosexuality, or class differences.






















Figure 1: MFPF, ‘Un enfant...Si je veux...quand je veux’ (A child...if I want... when I want) (1970), <https://blogs.mediapart.fr/jean-marc-b/blog/170718/la-deuxieme-vague-feministe-fille-legitime-de-68> accessed on April 10 2021






















Figure 2: Charli Hebdo, ‘Cabu, Qui a engrossé les 343 salopes du manifeste sur l’avortement?’ (Who impregnated the 343 bitches of the manifesto on abortion?) (1971),












Figure 3: Lénon, ‘La Femme Libérée par le Pouvoir d'Achat’, (Women Liberated by the Purchasing Power) (1968),<https://blogs.mediapart.fr/jean-marc-b/blog/170718/la-deuxieme-vague-feministe-fille-legitime-de-68> accessed on April 10 2021


Notes


[1] Nicole Mosconi, ‘Mai 68: Le Féminisme de la «Deuxième Vague» et l’Analyse du Sexisme en Éducation’, Les Sciences de l'éducation - Pour l'Ère nouvelle, 41/1 (2008), p. 118.

[2] Mel Grey and Jennifer Boddy, ‘Making Sense of the Waves: Wipeout or Still Riding High?’, Journal of Women and Social Work, 25/4 (2010), pp. 369-389.

[3] Lois McNay, Gender and Agency: Reconfiguring the Subject in Feminist and Social Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000), p.10.

[4] ‘La deuxième vague féministe, fille légitime de 68’, Mediapart, <https://blogs.mediapart.fr/jean-marc-b/blog/170718/la-deuxieme-vague-feministe-fille-legitime-de-68> [Accessed 7 April 2021].

[5] Julian Bourg, Between Marx and Coca-Cola: Youth Cultures in Changing European Societies, 1960-1980 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2006), p. 274.

[6] Pat Thane, Divided Kingdom: A History of Britain, 1900 to the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), p. 284.

[7] “Deuxième vague ou néo-féminisme: «Dissoudre la hiérarchie»”, La Ligue, <https://ligue-enseignement.be/deuxieme-vague-ou-neo-feminisme-dissoudre-la-hierarchie/> [Accessed 7 April 2021].

[8] Simone de Beauvoir, ‘Le Manifeste des 343 Salopes’, Le Nouvel Observateur (1971), p. 7. [9] Simone de Beauvoir, ‘Le Manifeste des 343 Salopes’, p. 2.

[10] Johanna Dagorn de Goïtisolo, ‘Les trois vagues féministes: une construction sociale ancrée dans une histoire’, Observatoire International de la Violence à l’Ecole, 1/1 (2004), p. 3.

[11] La deuxième vague féministe, fille légitime de 68, Mediapart.

[12] Sylvie Chaperon, ‘La radicalisation des mouvements féminins Français de 1960 à 1970’, Vingtième Siècle, Revue D'Histoire, 48/1 (1995), p. 64.

[13] Pat Thane, Divided Kingdom, p. 293.

[14] N/A, ‘People: The Younger Generation’, Times Magazine,1951.

[15] Robert G. Moeller, ‘Review’, Review of How German Is She? Postwar West German

Reconstruction and the Consuming Woman by Erica Carter, Central European History, 31/4 (1998), p. 480.

[16] Julian Bourg, Between Marx and Coca-Cola, p. 261.

[17] Barbara Becker-Cantarino, ‘The Politics of Memory and Gender: What Happened to Second-Wave Feminism in Germany?’, German Life and Letters, 67/4 (2014), p. 608.

[18] Sabine Fortino, ‘De filles en mères. La seconde vague du féminisme et la maternité’, Femmes, Genres et Histoire, 1/5 (1997), p. 6.

[19] Pat Thane, Divided Kingdom, p. 308.

[20] Deuxième vague ou néo-féminisme.

[21] Johanna Dagorn de Goïtisolo, ‘Les trois vagues féministes’, p. 4.

[22] Nicole Mosconi, ‘Mai 68: Le Féminisme de la «Deuxième Vague»’, p. 118.

[23] Helke Sander, ‘The Struggle for Equal Rights’, German History in Documents and Images, 8/1 (1968), p. 2.

[24] Kaitlynn Mendes, ‘Reporting the Women's Movement’, Feminist Media Studies, 11/4 (2011), p. 490.

[25] Sylvie Chaperon, ‘La radicalisation des mouvements féminins’, p. 63.

[26] Sylvie Chaperon, ‘La radicalisation des mouvements féminins’, p. 71.

[27] Carol Hanisch, ‘The Personal is Political’, in S. Firestone & A. Koedt (eds.), Notes from the Second Year: Women’s Liberation (New York: Major Writings of the Radical Feminists, 1970), pp. 76-78.

[28] Helke Sander, ‘The Struggle for Equal Rights’, p. 1.

[29] A Brief Summary of The Second Wave of Feminism.

[30] Carol Hanisch, ‘The Personal is Political’, p. 77.

[31] Lois McNay, Gender and Agency, p. 11

[32] Johanna Dagorn de Goïtisolo, ‘Les trois vagues féministes’, p. 3.

[33] Beauvoir, Le deuxième sexe (Paris: Gallimard, 1949), p. 285.

[34] Helke Sander, ‘The Struggle for Equal Rights’, p. 1.

[35] Sabine Fortino, ‘De filles en mères’, p. 6.

[36] La deuxième vague féministe.

[37] Le Mouvement Féministe des années 60 et 70, Union Communiste Internationaliste,

[38] Kaitlynn Mendes, ‘Reporting the Women's Movement’, p. 488.

[39] Nicole Mosconi, ‘Mai 68: Le Féminisme de la «Deuxième Vague»’, p. 118.

[40] Barbara Becker-Cantarino, ‘The Politics of Memory and Gender’, p. 604.

[41] Le Mouvement Féministe des années 60 et 70.

[42] INA Société, ‘Manifestation de femmes Place de l'Etoile en 1970’, Archive Video (2012)

[43] Nicole Mosconi, ‘Mai 68: Le Féminisme de la «Deuxième Vague»’, p. 118.

[44] Bec Wonders, ‘Mapping Second-Wave Feminist Periodicals: Networks of Conflict and Counter Publics, 1970–1990’, Glasgow School of Arts, 45/3 (2020), p. 106.

[45] ‘A Brief Summary of The Second Wave of Feminism’.

[46] Seyrig, Delphine, ‘Une Fourmi et Moi’, Edition Continentale, 1971,


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