By Saarah Ahmed
Edited by Nadar Abdi and Mark Potter
The rise of Islam in the seventh century transformed the lives of women tremendously, both in the public and private sphere. In an era where women were often overlooked, subjected to
domestic duties and confined to the four walls of their home, Islam revolutionised their status: women contributed to compiling the physical Qur’an, transmitted numerous Hadiths and held positions of political power across the Islamic world. The dynamics of political power has interestingly varied across different rulers. As the Prophet Muhammad was the first to hold political power, he set the precedent of what was expected of a ruler, including the sex of rulers, impacting how women could attain political power and how their power was perceived. The lack of political bounds during the time of the Prophet enabled power to be held in various forms. The term ‘un-Islamic’ encourages historians to look at Islam through various lenses including through Qur’anic verses and Hadiths on women whilst contrasting this against the various cultures within the Islamic world. Culture plays a critical role in determining a definition for the term ‘un-Islamic’, as it demonstrates a perception of Islam, exceeding the theoretical parameters set by sacred texts. Islam is often defined by societal norms thus dictating whether women holding political power was seen as un-Islamic. Importantly, culture does not entirely reflect the Qur’an and guidance in the Hadith, it is a perception. Nonetheless, a critical analysis of the Qur’an, traditions from Hadiths and an assessment of a culturally diverse set of women indicates that it was not un-Islamic for women to hold political power.
The Qur’an often reflected on women and their position in society, implying that it was possible for women to be bearers of political power, and not in fact un-Islamic. Mizam al-Mulk, an eleventh century Seljuq Vizier elaborates on women’s role in public affairs in his book Siyar al-Muluk or Rule for Kings, attempting to vilify women and discourage their presence in politics. In his attempt, Al-Mulk quotes the Qur’an stating: ‘Men are rulers over women’, the need for control over women is required due to their overindulging nature.[1] Al-Mulk depicts women to be unreasonable, incapable of making political decisions and far more likely to stray against the status quo. The verse al-Mulk cites is, however, incorrect. Whilst al-Mulk may have intended to cite an earlier verse that states ‘men are caretakers of women’, he instead cites a verse that referred to boasting about wealth.[2] As men are positioned as caretakers, women are therefore able to hold political power, whilst men support them, be it through financial support or advice in political affairs, much like previous and future male caliphs would receive. The Qur’an accentuates that men should support women in most affairs, not rule over them as Al-Mulk inferred, verifying that women could bear political power.
An alternate verse in Surah An-Nur (The Light) commands believing women to ‘lower their
gaze and guard their chastity’ against those who are considered unlawful for women, also
classed as the non-mahram.[3] Initially, the verse exhibits a preference for women to remain
secluded, which one may argue is no different to societal norms throughout the Jahiliya period, or Age of Ignorance, that occurred before the advent of Islam.[4] Upon further analysis, however, the verse indicates a desire to protect women from the dangers of society, particularly men who overtly sexualised women, diminishing any power a woman could potentially have. This Qur’anic verse implicitly acknowledges the stereotypes women were subjected to, and through ‘guarding their chastity’, women could remain free from this subjection. For this reason, it is possible that from a Qur’anic perspective, women holding political power may be frowned upon or un-Islamic.
That said, the same verse in Surah An-Nur continues to command women to cover everything ‘except what normally appears’, referring to the face and hands.[5] This exception provides a leeway for women to hold political power, in a form that does not violate the commands given in the Qur’an. Women could bear political power so long as they dressed modestly and were supported by men in political and financial affairs. Abul A'la Mawdudi argues this verse to honour women, protecting them from vicious subjection resulting from their sex and preventing them from holding political power.[6] This optimistic viewpoint holds validity but demonstrates a pre-existing notion of women's vulnerability to objectification. This argument neglects men's wrong-doing and attempts to solve this issue by arguing women holding political power to be un-Islamic, as it places them in threatening positions. These positions include women being humiliated or their privacy being violated, bringing dishonour upon a household or court: honour was a fundamental theme and cultural practice of society in the early medieval Islamic world, playing a significant factor in different life areas, including marriage.[7]
Importantly, the Qur’an does not aim to solve objectification by solely removing women from
society or commanding them to remain modest without reprimanding men. The Qur’an, in Surah An-Nisa (The Women) tells Muslims to reprimand men who commit such acts, therefore, unlike Mawdudi’s argument, it is not solely women who are told to take such actions to prevent these situations, thus supporting women to hold political power.[8] Nevertheless, as women were not restricted by the Qur'an in covering the entirety of their body and could be supported by men in political and financial affairs, it was not un-Islamic for women to be holders of political power.
In a more explicit and empowering example, the Qur’an refers to the Queen of Sheba,
demonstrating the extent of her power, highlighting that it was not un-Islamic for women to
hold political power. In Surah An-Naml (The Ant) the Qur’an details the Queen of Sheba’s
encounter with Solomon, which concludes with her becoming a believer; there is an
exceptional emphasis on her no longer being hindered in her power.[9] Notably, the Qur’an does not include the Queen because of her political power, instead it aims to show how her religion conflicted with the monogamous nature of ‘Islam’. Therefore, the Qur’an explicitly
demonstrates that women holding political power was not un-Islamic. Conversely, the verse
empowers women, portraying the Queen to have the power and guidance to lead her people to the ‘right’ path. The Qur'an also does not show negativity towards the type of women holding political power; the Surah portrays the Queen of Sheba to have a substantial amount of power both as an unbeliever and a believer. The concern of the Qur'an in this matter is solely dedicated to whom they worshipped, enabling women as holders of political power to be acceptable.
Alongside this verse, the Qur'an states: 'Men will be rewarded according to their deeds and
women equally, according to theirs'.[10] Women are clearly given the right to work,
demonstrating no limitations in occupation, particularly as holders of political power. The verse manifests equality between men and women in occupation; as it is not a narration, rather a command. This can be bounded doctrinally as a guide within Shari'a law, cementing this as a right that women have. Leila Ahmed accentuates the Qur'an emancipating women in
establishing gender equality; however, she continues to argue that the prevalence of a
misogynistic society hindered women from flourishing.[11] Clinton Bennett elaborates, declaring the Qur'an to have guided society towards the right direction, but the inherently patriarchal society failed to complete this.[12] Notwithstanding the failures of society, the Qur’an evidently supports the Qur’an in pursuing occupations including positions of political power. The narrative of Queen Sheba and the established right to work, shows that it was not un-Islamic for women to be holders of political power.
Much like the Qur’an, authentic Hadiths did not demonstrate a hostility to women who held
political power. The purpose of Hadiths was to enlighten the Muslim ummah on the life of the Prophet Muhammad, providing an exemplary way of life for Muslims, amalgamating the
Qur’an with cultural practices. Several Hadiths show women as incapable of sustaining
political power, including Abu Bakra, who narrated the Prophet to have said: 'never will
succeed such a nation as makes a woman their ruler' or 'those who entrust their affairs to a
woman will never know prosperity'.[13] These Hadiths, however, fail to offer a contextual
background or offer reasons for why women holding political power is frowned upon.
Interestingly, these narrations have a questionable chain of authenticity, suggesting that
Hadiths did not perceive women holding political power as un-Islamic, on the basis of these
Hadiths being fabricated. Nikki Keddie and Beth Baron offer reasons for these Hadith's by
citing a tradition narrated by A'isha, the Prophet's wife, which claims women to be dwellers of Hell resulting from their lack of reason.[14] This ‘deficiency’ is sufficient enough for women to refrain from partaking in political affairs. The lack of explanation for women’s refrainment is, however, inadequate and sparse, which highlights the vitality of context to understand the Hadith in its entirety. As Jonathan Brown notes, this can be incredibly complex, with a reconstruction of the narrative rarely resembling an 'approximate record of human words', complicating whether Hadiths see women holding political power as un-Islamic.[15]
In determining whether Hadiths view women as suitable holders of political power, Fatima
Mernissi stresses that in authenticating traditions, locating a chain of transmission is not
enough: the body of the tradition must be verified.[16] With this reasoning, the authenticity of these traditions is annulled, specifically as these traditions are not included in significant
Hadiths, rather it is used to deter women from holding political power specifically. In
particular, the tradition narrated by Abu Bakra was narrated during the Battle of the Camel,
where he conveniently cites the Prophet at the defeat of A'isha, questioning the purpose of this tradition.[17] The question remains of whether this tradition aimed to fuel political affairs and factions to prevent women from partaking in politics. Additionally, these traditions fail to corroborate with Qur'anic verses that empower women to hold political power. Therefore, these traditions are inauthentic, aiming to conform women to the ideals of a patriarchal society rather than continue the precedent as set by the Qur'an. From this, there is an evident space for women to be occupants of political power, which is not un-Islamic.
As well as the content of Hadiths, the compilation of Hadiths by women demonstrated a power complex that enabled women to be bearers of political power, and thus was not un-Islamic. Asma bint Abu Bakr exemplified this, through her narrations and transmitting of Hadiths, to participating in the Prophet's campaigns.[18] As the political bounds and norms of Islam had not yet been established concretely in the Prophet's life, there were various ways to hold political power. Consequently, Asma held some political power, explicitly deriving from her closeness to the Prophet, enabling her to contribute to fiqh, or Islamic jurisprudence, later shaping into Shari'a law. Asma's ability to influence Abdullah ibn Zubair and Bakr ibn Amr show that her political power was not contested. Her contribution to Islam's evolving nature gave her a unique form of political power, this type of contribution would later be restricted due to cultural and societal bounds influencing perceptions of Islam.[19] Zunyl Nadia reiterates Asma's privileged position as a companion, especially in the Battle of Yarmuk, where she attained Senior Companions’ respect using a hadith where she recounts what the Prophet Muhammad would wear when going to war.[20] This Hadith's narration highlights the flexible roles women attained, which equalled to holding some form of political power. Asma is a prime example of Hadiths, both concerning its formation and content, showing that women holding political power was not un-Islamic.
Whilst the Qur’an and Hadith play an important role in determining whether women
fundamentally held the right to hold political power, the diverse cultures within the Islamic
world hold almost equivalent importance. Analysing societal changes with the rise of Islam
unveils similarities and differences amongst both society and religion, highlighting how
cultural norms merge or clash with religious laws or traditions. With this, examining the
Prophet Muhammad’s wife, A’isha and her role within Islam, specifically her political role,
provides an insight into how cultural norms influenced women in holding political power.
A’isha emulated textual guidance on women's role whilst bridging the gap between how
seventh-century Arabia influenced A'isha's ability to hold political power. A’isha’s political
power prominently rose after the Prophet's life, where she played a role in provincial affairs or led armies during times of civil war.[21] Despite the legitimising of A'isha's political power either by Qur'anic verses or her position as a wife of the Prophet, the Battle of the Camel marked a bitter downward spiral of A'isha's reputation.[22] Moreover, this labelled women who sought political power as inherently weak and inferior. The pivotal event saw A’isha lead the rebellion against Ali, the newly elected Rashidun Caliphate after he had not initiated an immediate investigation into the previous Caliph, Uthman’s, death. The battle infamously ended with the collapse of A’isha’s camel and A’isha’s exile to Medina.[23] Ibn Sa'd comments on the vilifying of A'isha but notes that this is limited given her status as a wife of the Prophet, demonstrating there to be a boundary in criticising women, particularly A'isha.[24] The criticism A'isha faced was fuelled by societal bounds aiming to maintain gendered concepts of male-dominated roles in political affairs.
In seeking the ‘silver-lining’ of the Battle of the Camel, A'isha challenged societal norms.
Nadia Abbott argues that A'isha lead this ‘revolution’, showing that women holding political
power was not un-Islamic.[25] Denise Spellberg discredits Abbott, arguing that A'isha's political power derived from her position, both as a wife to the Prophet and as the daughter of Abu Bakr, enabling her to challenge these norms.[26] Without these titles, it was unlikely for a woman to hold such power, yet Spellberg doubtfully highlights this to have 'prompted the exclusion of women from public life'.[27] Though A'isha showed regret for her actions and the consequences, she does not comment on women being politically active. Therefore, whilst Spellberg is correct, as many Muslim women continued to hold political power centuries later, it perpetuated a wholly negative narrative, refraining women to be holders of such power. Nevertheless, despite conserving an inherently misogynistic narrative, women could hold political power whilst culturally deeming this to adhere to Islam's bounds.
Female rulers are often overlooked and underwhelmingly assessed in their contributions to
building and maintaining an Islamic Empire. Yet, when solely assessing female rulers of the
Islamic world very few consolidate their power in phenomenal ways. One of which includes
Shajarat al-Durr, the temporary ruler of Egypt in the thirteenth century, who showed that it was not culturally un-Islamic for a woman to hold political power. Ruling after the last Ayyubid ruler, her husband al-Salih Ayyub, she was described by al-Maqrizi to have successfully led the Ayyubid army against the Franks in the Seventh Crusade.[28] The acceptation of her power by society was demonstrated through the inclusion of her name in Friday prayers, highlighting her full equivalence to male rulers and attaining religious institutions' support.[29] Shajarat's claim to power is interesting as she refrained from telling the Amirs that her husband, the Sultan, had died.[30] This, albeit bizarre, claim to power enabled Shajarat to swiftly claim political power without facing initial criticism. Contextual evidence, however, highlights that her claim was kept as a secret as a precaution from a possible Frank invasion.[31] Thereby, Shajarat's sex was not the initial obstacle in her outright claim of power. Her rule, however, was later disputed by the Amirs of Damascus, indicating that it remained a concern.[32] Not only did the Amirs express this concern, as did Caliph al-Musta’sim, who mocked the city and men for relying on a woman.[33] This continued the narrative of women being inferior, demonstrating that cultural norms considered women's holding of political power to be un-Islamic to an extent.
Ironically, Shajarat achieved more in those years than al-Musta'sim, who claimed defeat at
Mongol ruler Hulagu Khan's hands in the Siege of Baghdad.[34] In disproving the notion of
women being unable to hold political power, not only was Shajarat supported by Qur'anic
verses, but she also amassed the support of the Bahri regiment, a division of the Mamluk
Empire, who demonstrated cultural acceptance in having a female ruler.[35] This may have
significantly aided Shajarat in being accepted as a ruler. Mernissi emphasises the cultural
significance as a determinant for a women's ascension to power: it unveils the prevailing
orthodoxy of states, depending on societal norms and epoch.[36] Arguably, this factor can be
negated by Shari'a law, derived fundamentally from the Qur'an and authenticated Hadiths.
Therefore, whilst Shajarat displayed the conflicts a woman of political power would face, in a
form incomparable to the experience of A'isha, she defied gender norms, using her right to rule Egypt successfully. Moreover, the support she attained demonstrated that holding political power was not entirely viewed as culturally un-Islamic.
The fourteenth century saw women in the court of the Ilkhanate, a division of the Mongol
Empire, hold political power without contention. This signified women as bearers of political
power to not be un-Islamic, as dictated by established cultural norms. Baghdad Hatun, the first wife of ruler Abu Sa'id and his sister, Sati Beg, demonstrated this most prominently after Abu Sa'id's death.[37] Throughout Abu Sa'id's reign, both women exerted their political powers by participating directly in decision-making or through physical symbols such as wearing swords, highlighting their intimidatingly strong nature.[38] Their influence shows that they had an undeniable and culturally accepted authority despite the ruler being present. Following Satin Beg's death, the eulogy elaborates upon her power, deeming her worthy as 'she succeeded at the exercise of authority'.[39] Whilst it is likely for the Ilkhanate to speak positively about Sati Beg, this specific comment demonstrates that she held uncontested power; it suggests that her rulership was compared to male rulers, showing that a male-dominated society remained prevalent. Unlike A'isha or Shajarat, Sati Beg's power was not rejected, revealing the Ilkhanate to be relatively unique in accepting female rulers. Critically, it demonstrates how culture influenced the perception of Islam and what was considered un-Islamic.
Ibn Battuta, a Moroccan traveller and scholar, intrigued by Turkic women's status, claims that women were comparably held higher than men in society, consistently treated with respect and dignity.[40] His bewilderment is intriguing: as a traveller, Ibn Battuta saw societies depict gender norms; therefore, his surprise indicates that other societies in the Islamic world were somewhat chauvinistic. Hend Gilli-Elewy argues previous Turco-Mongol rule to have influenced women to be culturally accepted as holders of political power despite a process of Islamisation having already begun.[41] Alternatively, Bruno de Nicola contends that although Sati Beg had typical external attributes and dynamics of a leader, that is, coinage in her name and mentioning her name in Friday prayers, she remained a puppet to Hasan Kuchak.[42] Kuchak used Sati Beg to advance his political aims, which included being the prime power behind Sati and thus the throne. Nicola views this as the marking of women losing importance in the female court.[43] Though Nicola substantially holds credibility in his argument, Baghdad and Sati's power should not be diminished. Their power was uniquely held in the male-dominated Islamic world; their rulership's weaknesses seemingly resulted from faction-fuelled politics rather than rejection based on a violation of Islamic principles. Consequently, the women of the Ilkhanate exhibited that it was not culturally un-Islamic to hold political power.
The question of whether women holding political power was seen as un-Islamic, is convoluted. Whilst it is tempting to argue, given the current presence of remarkable Muslim women as leaders, that it is not un-Islamic for women to bear political power, a comprehensive analysis is necessary. That is, an analysis of the Qur’an’s guidance on women, the content and compilation of Hadiths and whether cultural norms created a space for female rulers. Evidently, there were moments by which women were supported to hold political power: the right to work, the example of the Queen of Sheba and Asma bint Abu Bakr’s contribution. On the other hand, there were nuances that questioned the subject at hand including the commandment of women to be veiled and the unauthenticated Hadiths on women as rulers. Finally, the complexity of examining vast regions of the Islamic world and their perception of Islam also proved difficult. A'isha from Makkah, Shajarat from Egypt, along with Baghdad Hatun and Sati Beg from modern-day Azerbaijan and Armenia, unveiled the criticism women could face but showed they could continue holding power. It appears that the primary obstacle in women attaining or maintaining power was a patriarchal society or misogynistic men, which Clinton and Ahmed elaborated on. All three areas highlighted that women, as dictated by Islamic texts and cultural norms, could in fact be holders of political power.
Notes
[1] “Rules for Kings Regarding their Wives”, from Nizam al-Mulk, The Book of Government, trans. H.Drake, (London, 1960), p. 126.
[2] Qur’an, 4:34, (Saheeh International Translation).
[3] Qur’an, 24:31, (Saheeh International Translation).
[4] Leila Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), p. 42.
[5] Leila Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate, p. 42.
[6] Clinton Bennett, Muslim Women of Power: Gender, Politics and Culture in Islam, (London: Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2010), p. 37.
[7] Manuela Marín, ‘Women, Gender and Sexuality’, The New Cambridge History of Islam Edition. Robert Irwin. 1st ed. Vol. 4. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010. pp. 36.
[8] Qur’an, 4:14-16, (Saheeh International Translation).
[9] Qur’an, 27:44.
[10] Qur’an, 4:32.
[11] Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate, p. 91.
[12] Bennett, Muslim Women of Power: Gender, Politics and Culture in Islam, p. 37.
[13] Sahih al-Bukhari, Vol. 9, Book 88, Hadith 219.; Haideh Moghissi, Women and Islam: Social conditions, obstacles and prospects, (London: Taylor & Francis, 2005), p. 387.
[14] Nikki R. Keddie and Beth Baron, (eds.), Women in Middle Eastern History: Shifting Boundaries in Sex and Gender, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), p. 51.
[15] Jonathan A. C. Brown, ‘Did the Prophet Say It or Not? The Literal, Historical, and Effective Truth of Ḥadīths in Early Sunnism’, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 129/2 (2009), p. 285.
[16] Fatima Mernissi, The Veil and the Male Elite: A Feminist Interpretation of Women's Rights in Islam (Cambridge: Perseus Books, 1991), pp. 3-4.
[17] Sahih al-Bukhari 7099, Afflictions and the End of the World, <https://sunnah.com/bukhari:7099> [accessed 27 May 2021].
[18] Nadia Zunyl, ‘Women Political Participation in the Era of Prophet Muhammad: Study on the Hadith Transmitters of the Women Companions’, Al-Abab, 6/1, (2017), pp. 61-62.
[19] Nadia Zunyl, ‘Women Political Participation in the Era of Prophet Muhammad: Study on the Hadith Transmitters of the Women Companions’, pp. 61-62.
[20] Sunan Ibn Majah 2819, The Chapters on Jihad < https://sunnah.com/ibnmajah:2819>, [Accessed 27 May 2021].
[21] Aisha Geissinger, ‘A’isha bint Abi Bakr and her Contributions to the Formation of the Islamic Tradition’, Religious Compass, 5/1, (2011), p. 37.
[22] Aisha Geissinger, ‘A’isha bint Abi Bakr and her Contributions to the Formation of the Islamic Tradition’, p. 38.
[23] Denise Spellberg, ‘Political Action and Public Example: ‘Aisha and the Battle of the Camel’, in N.Keddie and B. Baron (eds.), Women in Middle Eastern History, (New Haven, 1992), p. 49.
[24] Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat 8:65.
[25] Denise Spellberg, ‘Political Action and Public Example’, p. 54.
[26] Denise Spellberg, ‘Political Action and Public Example’, p. 54.
[27] Denise Spellberg, ‘Political Action and Public Example’, p. 54.
[28] Biography of Shajar al-Durr, from al-Maqrīzī, Kitāb al-Sulūk, (Cairo, 1934 – 1972), Volume I.
[29] Biography of Shajar al-Durr.
[30] Biography of Shajar al-Durr.
[31] Biography of Shajar al-Durr.
[32] Biography of Shajar al-Durr.
[33] Fatima Mernissi, The Forgotten Queens of Islam, trans. M. Lakeland, (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993), p. 29.
[34] Fatima Mernissi, The Forgotten Queens of Islam, p. 29.
[35] Biography of Shajar al-Durr, from al-Maqrīzī, Kitāb al-Sulūk.
[36] Mernissi, The Forgotten Queens of Islam, pp. 29-30.
[37] Hend Gilli-Elewy, ‘On Women, Power, and Politics During the Last Phase of the Ilkhanate.’Arabica, 59/6 (2012), p. 715.
[38] Hend Gilli-Elewy, ‘On Women, Power, and Politics During the Last Phase of the Ilkhanate’, p. 715.
[39] Ahmadī, Iskandar-nãma (14th century) reproduced in Leslie Peirce, The Imperial Harem, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 274.
[40] Ahmadī, Iskandar-nãma, pp. 712-713.
[41] Ahmadī, Iskandar-nãma, p. 718.
[42] Bruno De Nicola, Women in Mongol Iran: The Khatuns, 1206-1335, (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2017), p. 103.
[43] Bruno De Nicola, Women in Mongol Iran: The Khatuns, 1206-1335, p. 103
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