By Anna Whyte
Edited by Nadar Abdi and Mark Potter
Though their role has only recently been taken seriously in the historiography of Irish
nationalism, female involvement was a fundamental part of the fight for Irish independence in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. By 1900, women had played a central role in the cultural nationalist movements of the 1890s. With the rise of these movements, as well as the emergence of other social causes, this generation of nationalists became increasingly more radical and progressive in comparison to their predecessors, and women were more accepted in nationalist circles. As well as this, women were pushed further into advanced, radical nationalism by the Irish Parliamentary Party and their refusal to allow them into constitutional nationalist circles. It should be argued, however, that the main reason for the greater involvement of women in Irish nationalism around 1900 was the rise of the female suffrage movement in Ireland, alongside female involvement in the cultural nationalist movements of the time. Their involvement in cultural revivalism introduced them to the world of politics, while the suffrage movement gave them a motive to back nationalism and fight for a free, independent Ireland which women could be a key part of. This essay will explore how these campaigns led to greater involvement of women in Irish nationalism around 1900 before going on to look at how the new, revolutionary generation of the time were more accepting of female involvement. It will then explore how the refusal of the Irish Parliamentary Party to accept women into politics led to greater female support for more advanced nationalism.
The rise of cultural revival movements in the late nineteenth century was one of the main
reasons for the greater involvement of women in the Irish nationalist movement. It was an era of ‘innumerable little clubs and societies, of diverse moments, aimed at the establishment of a new order’ and women played a key role within this.[1] One of the most important societies within this movement was the Gaelic League, set up in 1893 by Douglas Hyde and Eoin MacNeill, as it was the first to accept female members on similar terms as men. This society was particularly influential due to its use of domestic discourse which highlighted the
traditional female roles of carers and teachers. In her study of female Irish nationalism from
1900 to 1918, Senia Pašeta explores the encouragement of traditional roles within the Gaelic
League but states that ‘much of this instruction was delivered in a way that empowered them
or which was at least interpreted as empowering by the women who read it and wrote it’.[2]
Within the league, women took up the traditional roles that would usually conform to the
expectations of their gender at the time. This included teaching Irish and organising activities for children, keeping to the view of women as carers and mothers. As organisers of the household, they were also expected to buy and make use of Irish goods made by Irish
manufacturers. The traditional roles of women as mothers and leaders of the domestic domain were presented as a fundamental part of cultural revival groups including the Gaelic League. Therefore, participation in cultural nationalism was more accessible for women as they were still able to conform to the separate sphere ideology of the nineteenth century, which stated women should remain in the private, domestic sphere and away from the public sphere of work and politics.
This new access to nationalism through the Gaelic League, and other literary societies,
introduced women into the world of politics and provided them with important intellectual and social outlets.[3] In particular, political literature was important for creating many of the female nationalists of the twentieth century and, as Pašeta has stated, ‘helped fuse the link between cultural nationalism and advanced nationalism and thus to create a wider space for women’s involvement in nationalist politics’.[4]This literature was a way in which many female nationalists at the time discovered Irish politics. Many women enjoyed reading the works of nationalists such as Arthur Griffith, but also made contributions to some of the biggest political papers and journals of time. Some made their way into nationalist literature through the Celtic Literary Society’s journal Shanachie and many of these women went on to write for more radical papers such as Sinn Féin and United Irishmen, indicating the increased politicisation of women who contributed to nationalist papers.[5] This eventually led to women sharing radical ideas through female led journals, most notably Bean na hÉireann, the journal attached to the female nationalist group Inghinidhe na hÉireann, set up by Maud Gonne in 1900. Therefore, the cultural revival societies were important at the time for the politicisation of women, which furthered their interest in more radical nationalism, indicating that the cultural nationalist movement of the late nineteenth century was a main reason for the greater involvement of women in Irish nationalism around 1900.
Alongside the rise of more accepting cultural revivalist societies was the rise of the female
suffrage movement and feminism in Ireland, which also contributed to the greater involvement of women in the nationalist cause around 1900. Feminist ideas began to emerge in Ireland at the end of the nineteenth century but developed slower than many suffrage movements in other countries such as England. Beth McKillen has argued that the feminist cause in Ireland was damaged because of the ‘belief that women’s emancipation had to be deferred until Irish independence’, meaning that both male and female nationalists had little support for suffrage.[6] It seems, however, more convincing to argue that Irish feminists recognised women in Ireland could not be liberated until Ireland gained independence from Britain. As Roy Foster points out in his study of the revolutionary generation of 1890 to 1923, ‘the idea of appealing to the British parliament for anything at all was anathema to several Bean na hÉireann’s moving spirits’, meaning many feminists believed nationalism and independence were essential so they could campaign for female suffrage to an independent Irish parliament.[7] This view was conveyed by feminist and republican Helena Molony in the Irish Citizen, a paper founded in 1912 by the suffragist organisation, the Irish Women’s Franchise League. She stated that ‘there can be no free nation without free women, but neither can there be free women in an enslaved nation’, indicating that, while Ireland was still under British rule, all Irish citizens were ‘enslaved’ including women.[8] This meant there were many female organisations that participated in Irish nationalism such as Inghinidhe na hÉireann and the later Cumann na mBann, which went on to play a vital role in the 1916 Easter Rising. Furthermore, involvement in nationalism actually strengthened many feminist arguments as it showed that women could fit in the public sphere of politics. Therefore, it should be argued that the emergence of the female suffrage movement was one of the main reasons for the greater involvement of women in Irish nationalism as it gave them a motive to support the nationalist cause. This motive was encouraged by the politicisation they had undergone from their participation in cultural nationalist societies of the late nineteenth century, indicating that these movements occurring side by side were the main reason for the greater involvement of women in the Irish nationalist movement around 1900.
Another factor that accounts for the greater involvement of women in the nationalist movement around 1900 was the emergence of a more radical, nationalist generation in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This idea has been explored by Foster who has stated that at this time ‘discontented and energetic young men and women... turned their attention to critically assessing the status quo’.[9] This indicates that these new nationalists were beginning to question many aspects of Irish society as well as the governing of the country, including the role of women. A good example to support this argument is the views of Arthur Griffith. He was an open supporter of women’s suffrage and thought they should be involved in politics, stating ‘I am weary of living in a world ruled by men with mouse hearts and monkey brains and I want change’.[10] As well as assisting Maud Gonne with the setting up of Inghinidhe na hÉireann, Griffith also published writings by many female nationalists in the Sinn Féin paper and submitted writings for Bean na hÉireann, alongside fellow male nationalists James Connolly and Bulmer Hobson. This indicates how this generation were more accepting and progressive than their predecessors as prominent male nationalists supported and contributed to female societies and voiced their support for suffrage. The acceptance of women into nationalism by this radical generation can be seen in the Proclamation of the Irish Republic, published by the Irish volunteers at the Easter Rising in 1916. This document can be compared to the Declaration of Independence or the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen for its language of liberty and equality. Unlike these documents which have often been criticised for their emphasis on only men being equal, this document specifically states that all Irish citizens are equal, and that representative would be ‘elected by the suffrages of all her men and women’.[11] This highlight how women were more accepted and welcome in this new generation, and therefore became more involved in the nationalist movement.
The new radical generation is also represented by the examples of strong female nationalists
of the time such as Maud Gonne, Constance Markievicz and Hanna Sheehy Skeffington.
Eventually becoming the first woman elected to the Westminster Parliament, Markievicz in
particular was a key figure at this time. She played a central role in both Inghinidhe na hÉireann and Cumann na mBann and led and fought alongside the Irish Volunteers at St Stephen’s Green during the 1916 rising. She had, however, also shown these nationalist tendencies from a young age, bonding with her sister Eva Gore-Booth against her upper-class family’s traditions and embracing socialism and republicanism.[12] This early interest in new political ideas indicated that even women in this generation were becoming more radical and, therefore, starting to interact more in social movements at the time. A further example of this is the case of Rosemond Jacob who, as Foster has stated, was ‘determined to insert herself into the world of Gaelic and nationalist revival’.[13] Like Markievicz she was involved in many nationalist and suffragist societies of the time including Cumann na mBann, the Gaelic League and the Irish Women’s Franchise League. These examples indicate that this new revolutionary generation also accounted for the greater involvement of women in the Irish nationalist movement around 1900 as it included men who were more accepting as well as encouraging of female involvement in nationalist politics, and women who were actively immersing themselves in the political societies of the time. It should, however, be noted that it was their participation in the early cultural revival groups that really politicised women and the later emergence of the female suffrage movement that gave them a motive to back nationalism, indicating that these were the main factors that accounted for their greater involvement.
In terms of female involvement in advanced, radical nationalism as opposed to constitutional, it can be argued that female nationalists were pushed further into separatism by the Irish Parliamentary Party and their refusal to allow women into constitutional nationalist circles. As stated previously in the essay, the rise of the suffrage movement in Ireland gave women a motive to support nationalism so that they could campaign for suffrage to Irish representatives instead of British. Opportunities to take part in constitutional nationalism were rare, however, as women were ‘largely excluded from the constituency organisations of the Irish Parliamentary Party’.[14] Therefore, for the women who were not as interested in radical separatism, they had nowhere to practice their political ambitions. One of the only examples of the party allowing the involvement of women was the Ladies Land League. Set up in 1881 to run the Land War in the event that the leaders of the Land League were arrested, this league helped women get into constitutional politics and nationalism. They would hold meetings, distribute papers and feed evicted tenants. They were useful for nationalist activity as women were not generally suspected of nationalist activity at this time by the British Government. The league, however, was not taken very seriously by many male Land Leaguers including the leader of the Parliamentary Party and founder of the Land League Charles Stewart Parnell.[15] Following a feud between the two factions, caused by the ladies’ branch attempting to direct the policy of the league against Parnell’s orders, the Ladies Land League was dissolved in 1882.[16] In her criticism of the Parliamentary party’s refusal to allow women into politics, Hanna Sheehy Skeffington stated that ‘with the death of the women’s organisation...women lost touch with Parliamentarianism and... their energies and enthusiasm have been turned to other
channels’.[17] As the daughter of a member of the Irish party, and a strong nationalist, Sheehy Skeffington witnessed the refusal of the party to allow female members first-hand.[18] Her insistence that women began to turn away from Parliamentarianism and look to ‘other channels’ indicates how the party’s refusal to allow female members led to more support for radical separatism among female nationalist. This idea is supported by the outcome of the 1918 election which saw Sinn Féin win the majority over the Irish Parliamentary Party. As this occurred shortly after women over thirty were given the right to vote in 1918, it highlights that female support had shifted towards the more radical Sinn Féin, indicating that the Irish Party’s refusal to allow women into constitutional politics was a reason for their increased involvement in radical nationalism. It was, however, the cultural nationalist societies and the suffrage movement which really politicised women and sparked their interest in nationalism to start with. Therefore, it should be argued that these are the main reasons for the greater involvement of women in nationalism around 1900.
The revolutionary period in Ireland around 1900 saw a great increase in female involvement
within the Irish nationalist movement. This was partly to do with the fact that the nationalists of this generation had become much more radical, as well as progressive, compared to those of previous generations such as the Young Irelanders or the Fenians. This meant women were more welcome and were sometimes encouraged to take part in nationalism by supporters of the suffrage movement like Arthur Griffith. It also meant women in this generation were more active and willing to support new movements. The main reason, however, for the greater involvement of women was their involvement in the cultural revivalism of the late nineteenth century alongside the rise of suffragism in Ireland. The use of domestic discourse in cultural revival groups such as the Gaelic League eased women into the world of nationalist politics by placing traditional, domestic roles as a central and fundamental aspect of revivalism, meaning women could still remain in their private sphere whilst also taking part in the public sphere of nationalism. This exposed women to the world of nationalist politics and, with the help of the political literature that women read and also contributed to, increased their interest in the cause and provided them with an intellectual outlet. The rise of the suffrage movement at the same time gave women a motive to support nationalism. Since the idea of appealing to the British Parliament for suffrage was not appealing to many female activists, they recognised that a separate Ireland was essential for them so they could appeal to an Irish parliament for suffrage. As the Irish Parliamentary party excluded women from constitutional nationalist circles, women had to look at more radical nationalism to gain the Irish Government that they could appeal to suffrage for. Therefore, the two causes complimented each other in the late nineteenth century and led to greater female involvement in the Irish nationalist movement around 1900.
Notes
[1] Maire Nice Shiubhlaigh, The Splendid Years: The Memoirs of an Abbey Actress and 1916 Rebel (Dublin: New Island Books, 1955), p. 3.
[2] Senia Pašeta, Irish Nationalist Women 1900-1918 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), p. 22.
[3] Senia Pašeta, Irish Nationalist Women 1900-1918, p. 19.
[4] Senia Pašeta, Irish Nationalist Women 1900-1918, p. 31.
[5] Senia Pašeta, Irish Nationalist Women 1900-1918, p. 30.
[6] Beth McKillen, ‘Irish Feminism and Nationalist Separatism, 1914-23’, Eire-Ireland, 17 (1982), p. 74.
[7] R. F. Foster, Vivid Faces: The Revolutionary Generation in Ireland, 1890-1923 (Great Britain: Allen Lane, 2014), p. 172.
[8] Helena Molony, The Irish Citizen, 23rd May 1914.
[9] R. F. Foster, Vivid Faces, p. 8.
[10] Arthur Griffith, quoted in Virginia Glandon, Arthur Griffith and the Advanced Nationalist Press, Ireland 1900-1922 (New York: Peter Lang Inc, 1985) p. 139.
[11] The Proclamation of the Irish Republic, 24th April 1916.
[12] R. F. Foster, Vivid Faces, p. 120.
[13] R. F. Foster, Vivid Faces, introduction p. xix.
[14] Senia Pašeta, Irish Nationalist Women, p. 32.
[15] Senia Pašeta, ‘Feminist Political Thought and Activism in Revolutionary Ireland’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, p. 200.
[16] Senia Pašeta, ‘Feminist Political Thought and Activism in Revolutionary Ireland’, p. 201. [17] Hanna Sheehy Skeffington, quoted in Senia Pašeta, ‘Feminist Political Thought and Activism in Revolutionary Ireland’, p. 202.
[18] Senia Pašeta, ‘Feminist Political Thought and Activism’, p. 202.
Bibliography
Primary Sources
Molony, Helen, The Irish Citizen, May 23, 1914
The Proclamation of the Irish Republic, April 24, 1916
Secondary sources
Foster, R. F. Vivid Faces: The Revolutionary Generation in Ireland, 1890-1923. Great
Britain: Allen Lane, 2014
Glandon, Virginia. Arthur Griffith and the Advanced Nationalist Press, Ireland 1900-1922.
New York: Peter Lang Inc., 1985
McKillen, Beth. ‘Irish Feminism and Nationalist Separatism, 1914-23’. Eire-Ireland. 17.
1982
Pašeta, Senia. Irish Nationalist Women 1900-1918. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2013
Pašeta, Senia. ‘Feminist Political Thought and Activism in Revolutionary Ireland’.
Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. 27. 2017
Shiubhlaigh, Nice, Maire. The Splendid Years: The Memoirs of an Abbey Actress and 1916
Rebel. Dublin: New Island Books, 1955
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